118 Final Country Report
Lindsey Heben
Over the past several years, a culture of misinformation, “fake news,” and an overall distrust in the media has started to develop around the world. The country of Mexico has been no exception to this pandemic. In fact, Mexico has often been cited as one of the most dangerous countries for journalists to venture, largely due to the country’s–including the government’s–negative attitude towards journalists, reporters, and the media in general. According to an article from The Guardian, “violence against journalists has been mounting over the past two decades, but has soared under [President] López Obrador, who frequently attacks journalists and independent news outlets during his morning briefings” (Lakhani, 2022). I think analyzing this change in the attitude towards media with the change in administration is a valuable strategy to apply to the country of Mexico, as it is a situation which is not commonly seen in other countries. Throughout the semester, I have been following news articles and other sources of information from and about the country of Mexico, many of which have mentioned this growing issue of violence against journalists. In this report, I will focus specifically on a recent article in The New York Times and discuss many of the points made about violence against journalists on a deeper level, including how the political and legal environment of the nation have contributed to these behaviors. Fortunately, there has been some pushback from the international community regarding Mexico’s response to this violence, and I plan to discuss these developments as well to paint a full picture of what this situation is like in Mexico and where it may be heading.
In the New York Times article “Killing Spree Spurs Outrage Among Journalists in Mexico,” author Oscar Lopez speaks out against the three murders in less than a month that have targeted journalists around Mexico. After these three killings, two of which occurred just days apart from each other–both in the same city, other journalists around the nation began holding commemorative vigils and public protests against this level of violence and the lack of justice. Among the three media workers who were killed are Alfonso Margarito Martínez Esquivel and Lourdes Maldonado López in Tijuana, as well as José Luis Gamboa Arenas in Veracruz. This string of killings has contributed to a major environment of fear among others in the profession, who go each day worrying that they or someone they work with could be the next target. The author points out that “according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, nine journalists were killed in Mexico last year, making it one of the deadliest countries in the world for reporters, alongside India and Afghanistan” (Lopez, 2022).
Along with the inherent danger that exists in states around Mexico now, this article also details how the information network in the nation is being affected by this violence. Because many journalists are being targeted as a direct result of the information they publish–or the information they have that certain people don’t want to get out–certain media workers are hesitant and even afraid to provide coverage on controversial topics. According to Leopoldo Maldonado, regional director of the media advocacy group Article 19, “the surge in attacks against media workers has left vast swaths of the country in an information blackout. What we call zones of silence are being imposed, they’re spreading, they’re propagating like a pandemic” (Lopez, 2022). It is thus clear to see that this issue does not only affect journalists and media outlets, and it is not just an issue of direct physical violence; rather, this reality of killings and intimidation are affecting the people of Mexico and their access to fair and honest news. This issue is undoubtedly affecting Mexico on a national scale, and it would therefore make sense for the national government to step in and, at the very least, speak out against this issue. What we have seen from current president of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), however, is surprisingly very much to the contrary.
The stance of President AMLO towards the media has never been kept secret, and it has never been a positive one. In fact, as Lopez points out, “last year, he began hosting a weekly segment in his morning news conferences called ‘Who’s Who in Lies of the Week’ to point out supposed falsehoods in the media” (Lopez, 2022). When someone as powerful as the president openly makes claims about untrustworthy journalists and explicitly calls out certain figures, it sets a precedent that the violent behavior that follows is not only acceptable, but condoned. Much like one of the article’s quotes from Maldonado says, “the discrediting by the president is seen by others as permission to attack” (Lopez, 2022). This blatant dislike for the media has made some go so far as to accuse AMLO if just not caring that these murders are going on. According to the New York Times article, “the killing of Ms. Maldonado López has felt particularly stinging to some because she had warned the president during a news conference in 2019 of the danger she was facing because of a labor dispute with her former employer, a local television station” (Lopez, 2022). After Maldonado López won against this employer in a court case for their labor dispute, she was killed just says later–all but proving what she feared could happen when she shared her concerns with President AMLO. Not only has the president ignored claims like these from the people in Mexico, he has refused to accept any accountability for the issue as president. Rather than acknowledging the real issues that journalists face, he has instead placed the blame on the administrations before him, claiming that they left him with a corrupt and violent country. This overt lack of concern for the safety of journalists, continual disparaging of the media, and refusal to devote any real energy or resources towards putting an end to these killings by the president has created a culture of impunity within Mexico that provides reassurance for the ones committing the murders.
Mexico has historically, with varying degrees of seriousness, been a country that deals with a large amount of crime, but the issue lies more so in the fact that Mexico does not respond to this crime in the way that it should. Legal standards differ among states in Mexico, making it difficult to provide a regulated response to certain crimes (Rich et al., 2021). Moreover, the laws themselves in Mexico are in some cases unclear or even nonexistent, so there is no incentive to truly investigate the violence against journalists, especially when the president of the country is himself unbothered by the situation. Lastly, in many of the recent killings of media workers in Mexico, the authorities themselves are suspects or at least thought to have something to do with the case (Lopez, 2022). The relationship between the law enforcement and the government in Mexico is a very complicated one, so it is no surprise that the two seem to follow each other’s leads, rather than acting in a separate, objective manner. This situation is very reminiscent of the growing problem of femicide in Mexico as well; these cases of violence and murder are often viewed by President AMLO as the result of bad prior governments, and are thus severely underreported and under-investigated by authorities (Rich et al., 2021). Essentially, a culture of impunity has developed among the higher powers of Mexico and it has led to severe crimes–an epidemic of crimes, one might even say–to go on in Mexico each day without being rectified. With over 30,000 murders being recorded in Mexico last year alone, it is a problem for women, for journalists and other media workers, and truly for the entire population of the country (Lopez, 2022).
On the bright side, however, the global community has started to notice the festering problem taking hold of Mexico, and has started to step in where they can. For example, in a recent meeting with officials in Europe, a representative of the European People’s Party (EPP) made it clear that Mexico’s relationship with Europe would experience some tension if Mexico did not do more to fight against human rights abuses at home. According to this representative, Leopoldo López Gil, “at least 47 journalists have been murdered since president López Obrador (AMLO) took office in December 2018” (“Mexico-Europe”, 2022). Clearly, important figures in Europe are taking note of the violence and killings that are going on in Mexico and they do not intend to let it go on. López Gil, the Venezuelan contact in the EPP, has stated that the objective of the EPP and the European Parliament is not to meddle in the AMLO administration, but rather to “remind the Mexican government that it is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” “ask López Obrador to take the decision to defend and protect journalists and [human rights] defenders,” and allow for “peace to prevail in the “great country” of Mexico.” (“Mexico-Europe”, 2022). Actors like the EPP have even threatened to bring Mexico-Europe trade agreements into the picture if Mexico did not clean up its act, an ultimatum that will hopefully prove to be effective. While the US has not taken any reactionary measures such as threatening trade restrictions like the EPP has, they have made their ‘dismayal’ over the situation public (Graham & Barrera, 2022). Outside interference like this, as well as domestic protests and anger from within Mexico may prompt President AMLO to ensure that more investigations and punishments follow and future acts of violence against the media, but this may not be as likely as one might hope. In response to the comments made by López Gil, AMLO publicly made statements about having adversaries even in the European Parliament, as well as publicly wondering who gave them the right to interfere in Mexico’s affairs (“Mexico-Europe”, 2022). It seems to me that rather than viewing the intervention of global powers in his country as a sign that he needs to get a handle on this serious and out of control violence issue, President AMLO only sees it as a personal attack and an infringement on his power. With a leader like this in power, it is uncertain whether Mexico will actually see any changes to its administration’s or its law enforcement’s attitudes toward these targeted murders, and I believe that media workers will continue to suffer because of it. My only hope is that more countries step in and challenge Mexico and its human rights abuses, taking it upon themselves to restructure the way that crime and punishment is handled there.
In conclusion, violence against journalists has undoubtedly affected journalists in Mexico, not just directly by taking the lives of innocent media figures, but also indirectly by creating an environment of fear and uncertainty among these people. In addition to the journalists, regular citizens in Mexico are being affected by this violence and fear as well, for journalists being afraid to publish news has left parts of the country in an information blackout. Therefore, this issue is not just one of violence, but of free speech, access to information, corruption, and power dynamics. The position of the government relative to the media and to their responsibility in handling the growing instances of crime as well as the authorities’ lack of concern for and their possible involvement in these crimes have posed many challenges for Mexico and its people in terms of moving past this problem. Certain aspects of Mexico’s laws and culture have put this new wave of attacks on the back burner, rather than in the spotlight where it should be. This has led to feelings of fear, mistrust, and oppression among journalists and media workers in the country, and it is unacceptable. Interference from the EU, and hopefully other countries to come, has shed some light on this issue and its implications for Mexican citizens and the world in general, but it is only the tip of the iceberg. In order for this problem to not only stop, but never crop up in any other form again, Mexico needs to have a president that can take responsibility for the negative aspects of his country, rather than blaming others for it and leaving it at that. They need a president who does not ostracize and discredit the media, but one who works with them to ensure that accurate and important information is reaching the people of his country. They need a police force that is both willing and able to combat atrocities like these, rather than just sit by and let it happen for lack of organization. Maybe then, when all of these bases are covered, will Mexico know peace as far as their media and their information is concerned.
Sources:
Graham, D. & Barrera, A. (2022). U.S. embassy ‘dismayed’ over violence against journalists in Mexico. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-embassy-dismayed-over-violence-against-journalists-mexico-2022-02-12/
Lakhani, N. (2022, April 5). Attacks on press in Mexico hit record level during López Obrador’s presidency. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/media/2022/apr/05/attacks-press-mexico-lopez-obrador-presidency-report
Lopez, O. (2022, January 26). Killing Spree Spurs Outrage Among Journalists in Mexico. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/26/world/americas/mexico-journalists-killings.html
Mexico-Europe relations at risk if AMLO ignores human rights concerns, politician warns from Mexico News Daily. (2022, March 18). Mexico News Daily. Retrieved March 30, 2022, from https://mexiconewsdaily.com/news/mexico-europe-relations-amlo/
Rich, T.S., Casas, A., & Brueggemann, C. (2021). Violence against women is on the rise in Mexico. How do Mexicans perceive it? Global Voices. https://globalvoices.org/2021/07/30/violence-against-women-is-on-the-rise-in-mexico-how-do-mexicans-perceive-it/