A War Against Information Networks in Ethiopia 

All around the world, governments participate in trying to keep their citizens safe by regulating the information networks within their country. While some governments have mastered network security, others have struggled due to corrupt leaders and lack of structure. Government corruption of information networks is especially common in developing countries. Ethiopia, for example, is located in east Africa and is home to about 114 million people. The current literary rate in Ethiopia is 55.7%, however the digital literary rate stands much lower at only 25%. In January of 2022, Ethiopia had 29.83 million internet users (Digital, 2022). Previously, Ethiopians have enjoyed a social media world filled with the ability to express themselves freely. About 6 million Ethiopians engaged in social media websites such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, etc (Digital, 2022). However, recently, Ethiopia has officially joined the list of one of the worst sub-Saharan African countries to participate in controlling its people’s use of digital media (In Abiy’s Ethiopia, press freedom flourished then fear returned, 2021). With this, comes a higher rate of journalist imprisonments due to strict reporting laws. The space for media has started to diminish over time as the Ethiopian government continues to crack down on media production within the country.

A little over two years ago, Ethiopia entered a civil war between the two major ethnic groups, Amhara and Tigray, who have been fighting over leadership of the country. Years ago, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was the primary political party that represented Ethiopia’s government. However, in 2018, the Tigrayan prime minister Meles Zenawi passed away and was ascended as leader by Abiy Ahmen Ali, who was a member of the Amhara tribe. After two years of continued unrest and broken promises by the government, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front declared war on the Ethiopian government in November of 2020 (‌Center for Preventive Action, 2022). Since then, the country has suffered from continuous fighting between different militaries and tribes. Not only is Ethiopia dealing with a war between leaders, but they are also facing the war against information networks.

During the first month of the civil war, a “communications blackout” was implemented in the northern region of the country and civilians were cut from the internet. They were unable to use their mobile phones along with any landline devices (Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia, 2020). The point of the blackout was for the government to hinder journalists access to information about the conflicts between tribes. News outlets were unable to verify what they were being told which led to misinformation spreading and inconclusive reports (Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence, 2022). It was clear that the government wanted to hide information about the civil war from its citizens. The harmful treatments of civilians and many of the casualties that took place during the blackout were not reported accurately due to journalists lacking access to liable sources. The government claims that it is the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front that has cut the telecom connectivity in order to shield its people from the rest of the world. Zadig Abraha, Ethiopia’s minister of democratization, explicitly said that the Tigrayan people are being “fed the false TPLF propaganda” (Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia, 2020). On the other hand, it has also been proven that the government has arrested journalists in hopes of controlling the information flow from Tigray. It is hard to tell which tribe is being honest because of a lack of transparency between reporters and leaders of the government and TPLF. However, communications blackouts seem to be common when tension is high in Ethiopia. In 2019, there were many communications blackouts in the Amhara region and the Oromo region. The African Union offered its help and mediation to Ethiopia in order to create an agreement between the two tribes, but the Amhara forces denied their offering. Instead, they took help from their previous enemy and neighboring country, Eritrea, to join the side of the Amhara troops. Because of the consistent conflict in Tigray from both Amharic and Eritrean forces, a displacement and refugee crisis has been triggered. Many people have been forced out of their country due to solider attacks in the Amhara and Tigray regions. Refugees have fled to South Sudan where they were able to find out more accurate information about the civil war in their homeland (‌Center for Preventive Action, 2022).

The government has tried to control the information network in the Tigray region by arresting reporters and journalists who report on information that criticizes the government and its ways. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), both foreign and Ethiopian reporters have been arrested and detained on behalf of the Ethiopian government. Journalists working in the country have shared that they have been experiencing a “crackdown” which has consisted of both in-person and online harassment that has deterred them from reporting accurate information about the civil war (Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence, 2022). One article titled, “Eighteen Journalists Arrested in Ethiopia, Two Facing Possible Death Sentence,” shares a story about the Ethiopian government taking a toll on press freedom within the country. This article, which was released in June of 2022, states that there was a period of 10 days in May where at least 18 journalists were arrested and two of them faced a possible death sentence. The two journalists facing a possible death sentence were arrested on charges of “outrage against the constitution” (Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence, 2022). These two men, Dessu Dulla and Bikila Amenu, were members of the Oromia News Network and had roles of editor-in chief- and top broadcaster. The director of RSF’s West Africa bureau, Sadibou Marong, explained that the “situation is extremely worrying in Ethiopia,” and now these men are facing the death penalty “for simply doing their job.” Most of the other arrests were made because the central government accused journalists of creating violence and discord between civilians. Some of the journalists arrested consisted of reporters from Roha TV, Finfinnee Integrated Broadcasting, Gebeyanu Media, and a large collection of other independent media outlets. Other journalists were arrested in the capital of the Amhara region, Bahir Dar, and were accused by federal forces that their organizations, the Nisir International Broadcasting Corporation and the Ashara YouTube channel, were supporting Fano. Fano is a Tigrayan militia group that had members stationed in the Amhara region and were seen as a major threat to the government (Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence, 2022).

Not only were 18 journalists arrested, but a total of 6,000 people were held captive by Ethiopian officials during those 10 days. These citizens are being arrested because according to the police, they were partaking in the use of hate speech and the spread of misinformation against the government (Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence, 2022). With large and corrupt governments, it is almost impossible for citizens to speak out about things they don’t agree with. In Ethiopia, criticizing the government on social media grants them the authority to imprison or fine citizens who participate in such things. Previously, Ethiopians were allowed to use social media to voice their thoughts and even challenge the government’s beliefs. Many were active on their personal Facebook pages along with personal blogs. However, with the new Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention and Suppression Proclamation enacted by the Amharic Prime Minister Abiy, it is legal for the government to punish citizens who speak out against them. The Proclamation also states that punishments are harsher for individuals or organizations with more than 5,000 followers on social media platforms who disobey the law. This law clearly targets accounts and journalists with larger followings because they have more of an impact on people than those with smaller accounts. Another issue with the law is that the government also does not acknowledge the fact that it is not the journalist’s fault that they have gained a large following (Ethiopia’s hate speech and disinformation law: the pros, the cons, and a mystery, 2020). Because of this, it is easier for the government to arrest more prominent journalists. In the article published by RSF, the arrests made were technically illegal because during June of 2022, it was still legal for reporters to speak their minds on what they thought of the government.

Foreign journalists are also experiencing displacement and threats from the Ethiopian government due to the work they have published. Tom Gardner, a major reporter for The Economist, was expelled from Ethiopia in May of 2021. Another reporter, Simon Marks for the New York Times, was also forced to leave during the same month. Both journalists shared with Reporters Without Boarders that they were not given any warning to leave the country before they were expelled. They also were not given any explanation by the government as to what they did wrong after their displacement from the country (In Abiy’s Ethiopia, press freedom flourished then fear returned, 2021). Although both foreign and Ethiopian journalists are being prosecuted for their work, a major concern to the public is that Ethiopian journalists are being scared away from the profession leaving only foreign journalists to cover stories in the country. Samuel Getachew, an Ethiopian reporter himself, explained that if other native Ethiopian reporters start to leave the media, it takes away from the true passion that these journalists have for their stories. “… but we are passionate. I mean we are born here,” he exclaimed in an article titled “Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia,” where he explained the hardships that these journalists are currently experiencing (Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia, 2020).

However, many journalists still have hope for a better future! Samuel Getachew has asked the international community for support by not giving up on the media production in Ethiopia. He believes that many people are worn out from reporting sad stories about their people’s struggles in Ethiopia. They look forward to instead reporting about the reform groups who have come in to help displaced Ethiopians. Samuel himself was even lucky enough to cover stories about reforms in his country (Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia, 2020). In terms of law making, although the new Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention and Suppression Proclamation has been enacted in the country, the government has overall reduced prison terms for those arrested. They have also allowed the courts to adjust penalties according to the degree of the offense made by the citizen or journalist (Ethiopia’s hate speech and disinformation law: the pros, the cons, and a mystery, 2020). With a lighter sentencing promise and a positive outlook from journalists for a brighter future, Ethiopia will hopefully soon turn away from a society of harsh censorship.

Works Cited

‌Center for Preventive Action. (2022, May 12). Conflict in Ethiopia. Global Conflict Tracker. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/conflict-ethiopia

Digital 2022: Ethiopia. (n.d.). DataReportal – Global Digital Insights. https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2022-ethiopia#:~:text=Ethiopia \

Ethiopia’s hate speech and disinformation law: the pros, the cons, and a mystery. (2020, May 19). Access Now. https://www.accessnow.org/ethiopias-hate-speech-and-disinformation-law-the-pros-the-cons-and-a-mystery/

Eighteen journalists arrested in Ethiopia, two facing possible death sentence | RSF. (n.d.). Rsf.org. https://rsf.org/en/eighteen-journalists-arrested-ethiopia-two-facing-possible-death-sentence

In Abiy’s Ethiopia, press freedom flourished then fear returned. (2021, May 28). Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/abiys-ethiopia-press-freedom-flourished-then-fear-returned-2021-05-28/

Journalists Struggle Through Information Blackout in Ethiopia. (n.d.). VOA. https://www.voanews.com/a/press-freedom_journalists-struggle-through-information-blackout-ethiopia/6199045.html